By Ingemar Lindahl

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Norway maintained that a treaty of non-aggression was redundant between two signatories of the UN Charter. The Norwegian Government also reiterated its rejection of foreign bases, adding that the appraisal of a possible threat of attack was to be made solely by Norway. 27 The Norwegian base restrictions, expressed in the bilateral exchange of notes with the Soviet Union, had three significant consequences. In relation to NATO it meant that Norway (followed by Denmark) from the very beginning qualified its membership and to some degree claimed exemption from doctrinal solidarity.

Criticism of Sweden's 'pro-Western' foreign policy during the post-war Stalin years indicated indeed a continuously low rating of Scandinavian neutrality in Moscow. In Finland's case the concept had no attraction at all. Nevertheless, the Soviet approach to neutrality started to change gradually after Stalin's death. The reversal became obvious in 1955, when Austria assumed a neutral status, as part of its independence packet, and the Porkkala base was returned to Finland. As the twentieth congress of the CPSU adopted the The Soviet Union and Scandinavian Neutrality 35 policy of'peaceful coexistence' the following year, neutrality was described as a positive force, creating a zone of peace between the two blocs.

No automatic levers or mechanisms for adjustment exist in Nordic Europe, but rather a shared presumption of mutual sympathetic consideration. The Nordic pattern is shaped by a shared recognition of mutual interdependence as a fact, of mutual restraint as a necessity and of mutual consideration as a matter of course. 29 Another Norwegian security analyst, Arne Olav Brundtland, who finds the term 'the Nordic Balance' more useful, has made the distinction between a static and dynamic application of the concept.

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