By Geoffrey K. Fry (auth.)
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Extra resources for The Politics of Crisis: An Interpretation of British Politics, 1931–1945
It may, for the time being, New Models are not made by being all things to all men. But it will keep those worth keeping. '146 Tawney emphasized that the role of a socialist party was 'not the passage of a series of reforms in the interests of different sections of the working classes', because socialism meant the establishment of 'a classless sOciety',147 which meant, among other things, the Labour Party devising 'a plan of campaign' to realize SOCialism, and an end to programmes of the Christmas ...
153 Morrison had his enemies, though, in part because of acting, in Laski's words, as if he was the 'High Archbishop of Orthodoxy' in the Labour Movement,IS4 and he was certainly pathologically hated by Bevin,Iss which may well have influenced trade union MPs against him. Attlee's main advantage was incumbency. He led on the first ballot, and obtained twice the number of votes that Morrison did in the second. 'IS? 'First let me insist on what our opponents ignore, and, indeed, what they seem intellectually incapable of understanding, namely, the inevitable gradualness of our scheme of change,' Sidney Webb had told the Labour Party Conference in 1923.
The Lord President of the Council ... proceeded to express the Government's determination to triple the Air Force. In reply, the Party urged that this business of rearmament should be held up pending a further effort by international conference to reach agreement on the question of disarmament. This, of course, was something the Government would not do, and the Party moved a reduction in the vote and took it to be a division. The vote was carried by 340 to 54. The Liberals supported the Government.