By Mark Pitchford

This ebook unearths the Conservative Party's courting with the intense correct among 1945 and 1975. Commentators often cite the connection among the Conservative get together and the intense correct. For the 1st time, this e-book indicates how the Conservative occasion, realising that its wel-documented pre-Second global conflict connections with the extraordinary correct have been now embarrassing, used its paperwork to enforce a coverage of investigating severe correct teams and taking motion to minimise their possibilities of good fortune. The publication makes a speciality of the Conservative Party's research of right-wing teams, and indicates how its notion in their nature decided the celebration bureaucracy's reaction. It attracts on wide info from the Conservative celebration Archive, supported by means of different assets, together with interviews with major avid gamers within the occasions of the Nineteen Seventies. The booklet attracts a comparability among the Conservative get together machine's unfavourable perspective in the direction of the intense correct and its help for innovative teams. It concludes that the Conservative get together acted as a power block to the exterior severe correct in a couple of methods, and that the celebration paperwork again and again denied the intense correct in the get together guidance, entry to cash, and illustration inside of social gathering agencies. It reaches a climax with the formula of a 'plan' threatening its personal candidate if he did not get rid of the intense correct from the Conservative Monday membership. This booklet examines an issue that's of putting up with curiosity. it's going to entice scholars and fanatics alike, and turn into a customary textbook for undergraduates and postgraduates.

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Extra info for The Conservative Party and the Extreme Right 1945-1975

Sample text

In contrast, the Conservative Party leadership’s apparent clearer stance in the 1951 General Election manifesto of antiCommunism, commitment to competition and denationalisation, assuaged its right wing. The Conservative’s machinery and organisation remained prepared for an expected General Election, with opinion polls in 1951 moving decidedly in the party’s favour. By-elections showed swings towards the Conservatives of 4%, and there were many gains in local elections. The Conservative Party also looked set to benefit from the Liberal Party’s weakness.

The NRP would criminalise lightning strikes and support the Empire. More idiosyncratic, the NRP called for the restoration of the Penny Post. The NRP’s desire for the new party to be a party of youth set it at odds with the Conservative Party, and provided a more radical tone. Yet, the NRP’s political programme did not have the potential to damage the Conservative Party. Many of its policies were in line with current Conservative thinking, or had some support within the Conservative 28 The shock of opposition, 1945–51 Party.

The Conservative Party’s relationship with the Fighting Fund for Freedom (FFF) is more difficult to judge, as there is evidence of both cooperation and attempts to distance itself from it during this period of opposition. s and the prospective Conservative Candidates’. Furthermore, the FFF’s demands for economic liberalism in the shape of ­denationalisation ran counter to the ethos of the Industrial Charter but corresponded with the views many Conservatives who opposed it. Sir Waldron Smithers’ leadership of the FFF also placed it within the Conservative Party’s orbit.

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