By Michael Peter Smith, Joe R. Feagin (eds.)
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Additional resources for The Bubbling Cauldron: Race, Ethnicity, and the Urban Crisis
The 1994 elections featured renewed race-baiting from both Republicans and Democrats, particularly on the issues of crime and welfare. The bills for the Democrats' Dictatorship, Democracy, and Difference / 45 move to the right in 1992 now came due: Clinton's effort to accommodate the white suburbs and the "Reagan democrats" resulted in the reappearance of venerable traditions of racial scapegoating, combined with apathy among traditional Democratic voters. Yet it is unclear how much race-baiting can accomplish thirty years after the passage of civil rights legislation.
S. history. The ongoing transformation and increasingly complex construction of racial identities in the contemporary United States is an accomplished fact. The big question is how this perception is to be interpreted politically. Will it take the form of increasing distrust and defensive Dictatorship, Democracy, and Difference / 47 mobilization of difference and division? Will it revert to a "blame the victim" mentality, which frankly or subtly exculpates the beneficiaries of white privilege from responsibility for the fate of the underprivileged?
Populace — had not been comprehensively transformed. So the racial right, like its movement antagonists, was divided. The nascent new right recognized that white supremacy was not dead, but only wounded. It therefore attempted to tap into repressed but still strong currents of racism in order to counter the black movement's egalitarian thrust. Born in the campaigns of George Wallace and Richard Nixon's 1968 "southern strategy," the new right developed a new subtextual approach to politics, which involved "coding" white resentments of blacks, and later of other minorities, women, and gays.