By Reineke Bok-Bennema, Brigitte Kampers-Manhe, and Bart Hollebrandse (Editors)

This quantity assembles an important variety of chosen papers that have been awarded on the twenty second version of Going Romance, held on the collage of Groningen in December 2008. notwithstanding it encompasses a number of themes, 'tense, temper and element' is represented such a lot greatly. This quantity incorporates a wealthy number of Romance languages: Cape Verdean, ecu Portuguese, French, Italian, Romanian and Spanish. the gathering of papers is consultant of the learn performed these days on Romance languages inside of theoretical linguistics and indicates the energy of this learn.

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Additional resources for Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 2008: Selected Papers from ''Going Romance'' Goningen 2008 (Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory RLLT )

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The Z head can thus be taken to encode the [–(add,sg)] [+part] features. For a different view, see Chinellato (2004b).  Anna Cardinaletti & Lori Repetti The fact that in declarative sentences, the vowel occurring in the 1sg, 1pl, 2pl follows a preverbal subject (which occurs in SpecSubjP, Cardinaletti 2004) confirms that ZP is a projection of the IP layer. g. ” The structure in (16b) predicts that interrogative vowels should occur higher than preverbal subjects which sit in specSubjP. Unfortunately, the position of these vowels with respect to the subject cannot be tested because in NIDs, as in Italian, preverbal subjects are not possible in main questions.

2006). They observe that that only some speakers accept the inverted C2–C1 order for Spanish ‘canonical’ CCs illustrated in (36). The sentence in (37), with inverted order but no focus movement, is perfectly grammatical. más entiendo, cuanto más leo. ” (37) Entiendo más cuanto más leo. I Our analysis can explain the divided judgements. Because the initial clause tends to be interpreted as topic, a focus-fronted comparative within the topic becomes ‘unnatural’ and ‘unexpected’, as speakers report.

Al so ca chi c a laverà i piac. ” b. A mi an domandat par’se ch’ a nol riveva. ” Poletto (2000:24–26; 71–79) explains this complex distribution of preverbal vowels in cartographic terms. Assuming a hierarchy of projections as in (14), (14) a. [LDCP invariable [CP invariable [CP invariable [AgrCP invariable [IP... b. 7). This is the reason why invariable SubjCLs cannot co-occur with wh-clitics. Invariable SubjCLs raise to the head of the projection hosting left-dislocation (LDCP), which is higher than the projection targeted by wh-phrases (Rizzi 1997).

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