By A. J. Welburn

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Somewhere in this stream of talk, I realized I needed an identity; I need to be "placed" in Ash Creek terms. To establish an identity, I taught extension college classes first at the center and then at the local grade school several miles from Ash Creek. Here I met adult students, mostly women, who allowed me to record classes and a few other interactions. Many became friends and I visited with them from time to time. Teaching allowed me to assume the role of "teacher" in Ash Creek, a very helpful one because it "placed" me in a status in which my nonmarriecl state was validated.

All residents had some way to talk to me and to shape their conversations with me. What few problems arose while I lived in Ash Creek were products of my being a single, educated, infrequent churchgoer, rather than being an "anthropologist" doing research. During the day, I would "visit," an activity still widely practiced in Ash Creek. Either alone or with someone, I would perhaps stop at the loeal diner when it was in business, stop by homes where I had been invited or knew I was welcome, or attend a community event such as a yard sale, gospel sing, public meeting on political matters, wedding, or funeral.

Contextual constraints on what can be possessed under what grammatical and contextual conditions reveal a major means by which residents transform commodities to personal goods and vice versa. " They also reveal how residents use a grammatical resource to construct cultural meanings about objects and labor. , Blum-Kulka, House, and Kasper 1989a; Brown and Levinson 1987 [1978]; Ervin-Tripp 1976; Irvine 1980, 1989; Rosaldo 1982). Chapter 3 discusses how Ash Creek requests index "rights," "place," and "claims" relationships among participants and economic entities to construct appropriate linguistic-economic participant frameworks.

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