By David Montejano

Winner, NACCS-Tejas booklet Award, nationwide organization for Chicana and Chicano reports Tejas Foco , 2011
NACCS booklet Award, nationwide organization for Chicana and Chicano reports, 2012

In the mid-1960s, San Antonio, Texas, used to be a segregated urban ruled through an entrenched Anglo social and company elite. The Mexican American barrios of the west and south facets have been characterised by means of substandard housing and skilled seasonal flooding. Gang battle broke out frequently. Then the extraordinary farmworkers of South Texas marched in the course of the urban and trigger a social circulation that reworked the barrios and eventually introduced down the previous Anglo oligarchy. In Quixote's Soldiers, David Montejano makes use of a wealth of formerly untapped assets, together with the congressional papers of Henry B. Gonzalez, to offer an fascinating and hugely readable account of this turbulent period.

Montejano divides the narrative into 3 components. within the first half, he recounts how university pupil activists and politicized social employees mobilized barrio formative years and fixed an competitive problem to either Anglo and Mexican American political elites. within the moment half, Montejano seems on the dynamic evolution of the Chicano circulate and the emergence of transparent gender and sophistication differences as girls and ex-gang early life struggled to realize popularity as severe political actors. within the ultimate half, Montejano analyzes the mess ups and successes of stream politics. He describes the paintings of second-generation flow businesses that made attainable a brand new and extra consultant political order, symbolized via the election of Mayor Henry Cisneros in 1981.

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Extra resources for Quixote's Soldiers: A Local History of the Chicano Movement, 1966-1981 (Jack and Doris Smothers Series in Texas History, Life, and Culture)

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This strategy was influenced by practical cultural considerations. Gang workers were needed to work “with males from lower-class Mexican-American families,” because males from both the “stable working class” and the “bottom problem” families ran in clicas. As Farris and Brymer noted, “. . ”37 Roy Valdez, who would later become director of the Good Samaritan Center, represented the group worker strategy of the settlement houses and the practice of crisis intervention. Jesse Sauceda, Mariano Aguilar, Ben Guajardo, Domingo Bueno, and Joe Rendon, among others, were “indigenous” 44 the conflict within group workers who had grown up around Good Samaritan as teenagers and were now involved in social work in their neighborhoods.

By the early sixties, the system was so elaborate that it was possible to attend Catholic school from kindergarten through college without venturing far from the West or South Side of town. ) By the mid-sixties, some post–World War II barrio “baby boomers” were graduating from Catholic high schools and entering local Catholic colleges and universities. These first-generation college students would constitute an important pool of leaders and supporters for the emerging Chicano movement. 35 Involvement in the parish-based school system further differentiated the fortunes of barrio youths.

5 At first sight, the two research teams seemed to have offered contradictory assessments about gang activity in San Antonio’s barrios. Before the reality of periodic gang warfare, a history that the ecological explanation of the Sherifs could easily accommodate, the argument about “latent group identity” offered by the Wesley Center sociologists appeared quite weak, if 32 the conflict within not completely mistaken. Assuming that the methodology of both research teams was sound, how does one reconcile a seeming contradiction in their explanations or emphases?

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