By Antonio Negri
Our males in a cellphone in Rebibbia legal, Rome, looking forward to trial on severe fees of subversion. certainly one of them, the political philosopher Antonio Negri, spends his days writing. between his writings are twenty letters addressed to a tender pal in France letters during which Negri displays on his personal own improvement as a thinker, theorist and political activist and analyses the occasions, actions and hobbies within which he has been concerned. The letters recount an existential trip that hyperlinks a rigorous philosophical schooling with a strong political ardour, set opposed to the historic backdrop of postwar Italy. Crucially, Negri remembers the pivotal second in 1978 whilst the previous top minister of Italy, Aldo Moro, was once abducted and killed by way of the crimson Brigades, and the way the associations then pinned that killing onto him and his associates.
Published right here for the 1st time, those letters provide a distinct and worthwhile perception into the standards that formed the considering probably the most influential political theorists of our time and so they rfile Negri’s position within the improvement of political activities like Autonomia. they seem to be a bright testimony to 1 man’s trip in the course of the political upheavals and highbrow traditions of the past due twentieth century, during which he produced a physique of labor that has had, and maintains to have, a profound influence on radical inspiration and politics around the globe.
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Extra resources for Pipeline: Letters From Prison
Do you recall, cher David, the Saxon witnessing of Hans Jürgen Krahl? ) A w itnessing – but of what? The community, its needs, its reality, the tension that we recognised in it, between poverty and the desire for happiness. * And yet it was not a vicious circle when the circle was infused with charity – with a stripping bare of oneself in the love of others, which broke indifference and produced the first projects of solidarity. We filled this word with content and with hope, as an alternative to another word, which was also magic but in some ways frightening: ‘the priesthood’.
Souzy talked to me about communism as a necessary development of the human community. He spoke fast and excitedly, like somebody debating fiercely with himself, presumably from his being a former detainee. Then he would stop, he would smile with his extraordinary blue eyes (a comic tic would twitch his grizzled brown moustache), his Sephardic belly would wobble – and his exposition would become simple and lucid, his argumentation fraternal and marked by solidarity. His features were as sharp as his hopes: an Arab communism for which Israel had been the crucible.
This Catholic professor spoke in the same language I was hearing in the Stalinist federation. But there it was even further depleted of meaning because, while the good Catholic taught that the bosses were an irrelevance and that exploitation could be transcended, the Stalinist functionary expressed a bloodless 28 Letter Two: The Labour Movement c ynicism, like that of a slave. ’), it was here that you sensed, occasionally, that damnable power, vague but real, of proletarian hope and desire. Sometimes I talked with my paternal grandfather Enea, who started out as a farm labourer, then worked as a tram driver, and eventually ended up as the doorkeeper at Bologna’s Monte di Pietà savings bank.