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Additional info for On Hungarian morphology (Linguistica)
The rest might be attributed to accidental gaps in the coda system (bl´uz ‘shirt’, smaragd ‘emerald’), with the exception of *szp codas (cf. g. in gipsz, ‘gypsum’). Word initial szp is also possible (szpiker ‘announcer’), and similarly with ksz we have kszilof´on ‘marimba’, maszk ‘mask’, szkiff ‘skiff’ and keksz ‘biscuit’. Aside from a couple of proper names (Szakcs and Recsk), and some inflected forms, the pairs listed above, and the type liszt ‘flour’ vs. szt´ar ‘movie star’ constitute the only counterexamples to (31) and (33) in Hungarian.
G. t¨ok¨ok from t¨ok simply by spreading the I and U features of the stem vowel. This solution can readily be extended to ternary suffixes by supposing that their underlying representation contains a floating U which can dock only if the I feature of the stem did not spread. 22 As a representative example let me discuss here the following generalization (due to Eszterg´ar (1971), and quoted in V´ag´ o 1980:111): lowering stems always have an epenthetic vowel before the -t of the accusative. SPH (fn.
For instance, in the monosyllable brancs ‘gang’, we have to store only the facts that b and r precede, and n and cs follow the vowel. The alternative ordering *bracsn is excluded because the h+soni features of n and the vowel are not adjacent, and thus cannot be simplified. Similarly, the order *rbancs can be excluded because the h+soni of r cannot be collapsed with that of the vowel, and the order *rbacsn is excluded even more strongly, as it would require 3 instances of h+soni instead of the optimal 1.