By Anthony Bryer, Judith Herrin, University of Birmingham. Centre for Byzantine Studies, University of Birmingham. Dept. of Extramural Studies
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Gams, Series Episcoporum Ecclesiae Catholicae, (Ratisbon, 1873). 29 THE ROMAN CHURCH ON THE OUTBREAK OF ICONOCLASM is perhaps of the third century and one of the sixth; nine are of the late seventh century, eight of the late eighth and five of the late ninth century. Geographically, seventeen of these twenty-four (and six of the nine late seventh century instances) are from the provinces of south-west Anatolia and the Aegean sea-board: Cilicia, Isauria, Asia, Pisidia, Caria, Lycia, Pamphylia and the Cyclades.
A. , 1936). 23. For example: the Vita S. Stephani junioris, PG, 100, col. 1156 (for Thrace), col. 1164 (for Crete), col. 1165 (for Asia-Ephesus); Theophanes, 445-6 (= Hennephof, Textus, No. 13) (for Thrakesion). 24. Alexander, Nicephorus, 140ff; see also Alexander, DOP 7 (1954), 35-66. 25 THE GEOGRAPHY OF THE ICONOCLAST WORLD conclude that the policy of Iconoclasm was designed to assert control over centrifugal powers within the Byzantine state. In a recent study25 Brown tried to explain Iconoclasm as an attempt to impose centralization over centrifugalism.
The controversy over icons was therefore only a pretext, a convenient touch-stone by which the people could express their agreement or disagreement with imperial policy. This is why I use the term Iconoclasm in its wider sense, covering the whole chronological period of the Iconoclast crisis, as well as the general policy of Iconoclast emperors. Any investigation of Iconoclast geography therefore involves the identification of those areas whose population suffered injury at the hands of the Iconoclasts and those places where image venerators were safe.