By Matthew Bolton

Within the decade because the signing of the Ottawa Treaty, which banned the construction and use of anti-personnel mines, governments have spent over $3 billion on clearing up and mitigating the protection possibility of mines, cluster munitions and different unexploded ordnance within the world’s present and previous battle zones. besides the fact that, this circulation of money into areas ruled by way of violent social buildings increases quite a few political matters. via special archival and box examine, this e-book explores the politics in the back of the allocation and implementation of international reduction by way of the united states and Norway for demining in Afghanistan, Bosnia and Sudan. it's an important source for practitioners and policymakers operating within the box of landmine clearance and for college students and researchers of improvement experiences and post-war reconstruction.

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Extra resources for Foreign Aid and Landmine Clearance: Governance, Politics and Security in Afghanistan, Bosnia and Sudan (International Library of Postwar Reconstruction & Development, 7)

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This was probably because although Indochina represented a key Cold War battleground, it was at the periphery of the international system and did not have the resources or state strength to induce or coerce clearance. Moreover, in the Cold War context, such a massive and expensive effort would have required the financial and technical backing of one of the superpowers, which were reluctant to accept responsibility for the problem. That said, both superpowers and other agencies did sponsor some small clearance efforts.

20 US warfare in Indochina (Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos) was thus the logical extension of its position as a super-modern industrial power, pitting the might of technology and heavy manufacturing against a poor, lightly-armed guerilla force. While there was an ‘Other War’ – covert operations such which attempted to single out and eliminate individual Viet Cong cadres – much of the US effort consisted of blanket targeting of whole areas. 3 million tons of ordnance in Indochina. ’22 While there were important similarities to the strategic carpet bombing of WWII – targeting a wide area, hoping to hit something valuable – there were key differences.

The intervening great power had access to the massive use of firepower and airpower; super-sophisticated technology in guidance systems, communications and processing intelligence; and mastery of media management and broadcast propaganda. 95 While local factions often engaged in widespread mining (such as Iraqi mining of Kuwait or Serb-laid minefields in Kosovo) or the use of IEDs, in these postmodern wars, the employment of staggering amounts of air-dropped or artillery munitions by the intervening great power left considerable UXO contamination, especially of cluster bomblets (such as in Chechnya,96 Kosovo,97 Afghanistan,98 Iraq,99 Lebanon100 and Georgia101).

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