By Timothy D. Barnes
Drawing on fresh scholarly advances and new facts, Timothy Barnes deals a clean and intriguing research of Constantine and his life.
- First research of Constantine to use Kevin Wilkinson's re-dating of the poet Palladas to the reign of Constantine, disproving the fundamental scholarly trust that Constantine remained tolerant in concerns of faith to the tip of his reign
- Clearly units out the issues linked to depictions of Constantine and solutions them with nice clarity
- Includes Barnes' personal examine into the wedding of Constantine's mom and dad, Constantine's prestige as a crown prince and his father's valid inheritor, and his dynastic plans
- Honorable point out for 2011 Classics & historical historical past PROSE award granted by means of the organization of yank Publishers
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Additional resources for Constantine: Dynasty, Religion and Power in the Later Roman Empire
J. Hall 1998: 668–670). It may be inferred that the still predominantly non-Christian Senate modified a recognizably traditional phrase to accord with Constantine’s recently proclaimed Christianity. What of mentis magnitudine? The inscription does not explicitly state whose mind it is, and Glen Bowersock has argued that the mind in the phrase mentis magnitudine ‘may be interpreted more plausibly as the divina mens than as the mens of Constantine himself ’ (1986: 302–303). indd 19 10/16/2013 1:03:18 PM 20 INTRODUCTION contended (1931: 10, 66–68): the two phrases on the arch are ‘contrasted, not parallel’ and they juxtapose two almost identical phrases which the panegyrist of 313 had used of the emperor (Pan.
But two sequences of four lines in the papyrus codex are also found in the Greek Anthology with only very minor verbal variants and while one is anonymous, the other is explicitly ascribed to Palladas. In view of the importance of the latter, I print here (1) what is legible on the papyrus including letters which Wilkinson dots as uncertain and ignoring supplements derived from the Greek Anthology; (2) the four lines as they are transmitted in the Greek Anthology; and (3) Wilkinson’s translation in the draft of his forthcoming commentary.
2). It is normally held that the story was invented in Jerusalem (Drijvers 1992: 95–145), in which case Rufinus may have taken it from a Greek continuation of Eusebius independent of Ambrose,5 though Alastair Logan now suggests a Roman origin (Logan 2010). No extant author other than Ambrose alone, however, says anything whatever about Helena’s precise social status. Immediately after he has related the story of how Helena found the True Cross, Ambrose comments on Helena’s original status in life, how she met Constantius and her service to the church of Christ (De obitu Theodosii 42 [CSEL 73 (1955), 393]): Stabulariam hanc primo fuisse adserunt sic cognitam Constantio seniori, qui postea regnum adeptus est.