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Notice that we do have binding of the anaphor in (12), because the whole NP c-commands (and so binds) 'himself. We are now able to appreciate how, according to Chomsky's Government-Binding theory of syntax, the distribution of pronouns and anaphors, and the possible and non-possible cases of co-reference, are dictated to a large extent by facts about syntactic configuration, with properties like c-command playing a key role. But the concept of c-command belongs to the theory of syntax, and it is far from obvious that ordinary (or even extraordinary) language users have explicit knowledge of the concept.
The sense does not lead us to the referent, the sense depends on the existence of the object and the thinker's relation to it for the presence of that thought in the thinker's mind. So to avoid these exegetical disputes I shall plump for the weakest interpretation of the determination thesis, but one which I hope sheds light on the role of psychological considerations in the fixing of reference. The weak interpretation of sense's determining reference is a supervenience claim: there can be no change in the reference of a term without a corresponding change at the level of sense.
Co-indexing requires that elements share number, person and gender. For our purposes, it also indicates the intended assignments of reference, which may be permitted or excluded by the principles of binding. 2, the antecedent 'John' binds the anaphor, 'himself as we can check against the definition of c-command and binding: 10 Fig. 2 C' C / \ IP / / [that] \ I' \ / Spec / \ NP I N' / N John i I VP V' V / \ \ NP \ \ AP shaved himself i quietly In examples (6) and (7) above, the antecedent would occur within the VP and so could not c-command (hence could not bind) the item in subject position.