By Robert J. Ross
by ROBERT ROSS and GERARD J. TELKAMP I In a feeling, towns have been superfluous to the needs of colonists. The Europeans who based empires outdoors their very own continent have been basically enthusiastic about extracting these items which they can no longer collect inside Europe. those items have been mostly agricultural, and grown in most cases in a weather no longer chanced on inside of Europe. even if, as in India sooner than 1800, the key exports have been manufactures, usually they have been nonetheless made within the geographical region instead of within the nice towns. It was once purely on infrequent celebration whilst nice mineral wealth used to be came across that large metropolises grew up round the website of extraction. on the grounds that their place used to be deter mined by means of geology, no longer economics, they may be within the such a lot inaccessible and in handy components, yet they too could draw labour off from the rural ambitions of the colony as a complete. From the viewpoint of the colonists, the towns have been for this reason in a few respects helpful evils, as they have been parasites at the rural manufacturers, competing with the colonists within the strategy of surplus extraction. however, the colonists couldn't do with no towns. the necessities of colonisation demanded many unequivocally city features. Pre-eminent between those was once in fact the necessity for a port, to permit the export of colonial wares and the import of products from Europe, or from different components of the non-European global, within the country-trade because it used to be identified round India.
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10. Johnston, City and Society, pp. 28-29 (and other authors) divide such societies on the basis of socio-economic organisation as reciprocal exchange and rank-redistribution. For our purposes here, a more detailed categorisation would be necessary. The distinction here between colonialism and imperialism needs to be elaborated. See Horvath, 'In search of a theory' and 'A definition of colonialims', Cu"ent Anthropology 13 (1972): 45-57; also G. Omvedt, 'A definition of colonialism', The Insurgent Sociologist (Spring, 1973): 1-24.
Stave, 'A conversation with Gilbert A. Stelter: Urban history in Canada', Journal of Urban History 6 (1980): 177 -209. 12. E. A. 1. ), The Socialist City. Spatial Structure and Urban Policy (Chichester, 1979); J. Friedmann and R. Wulff, The Urban Transition: Comparative Studies of Newly Industrialising Societies (London, 1976), pp. 13-14. 13. J. Telkamp, Urban history and European expansion. A review of recent literature concerning colonial cities and a preliminary bibliography. Intercontinenta 1 (Leiden, 1978): 29 14.
A perfect example is the modest Dominican reduction of Coapa (Chiapas), founded towards 1528 and destroyed by pestilence in 1680. Recent excavations have uncovered a regular grid pattern of streets 6 meters wide dividing blocks 66 meters on a side, according to the Spanish colonial style. At the centre was a plaza mayor and, of course, the Dominican convent and church. Christianity eliminated most of the items associated with pre-Columbian religion, the only ceremonial holdover being a spikeornamented and lime-painted incense burner.